JoseCuervo
New member
Interesting view from the other side of the Atlantic.....
What we have here is a failure to find justification for war
By THE INDEPENDENT
Now we finally know what we had long suspected. When U.S. and British forces invaded Iraq, Saddam Hussein had no chemical weapons; he had no biological weapons; he had no nuclear weapons. In fact, he had no banned weapons at all.
That is the considered judgment of the Iraq Survey Group, set up by President Bush to prove his case for removing the Iraqi dictator, and released in Washington this week.
In more than 1,000 pages, the ISG report proves precisely the opposite. The much-maligned international regime of weapons containment had functioned exactly as it was supposed to. After his failed effort to annex Kuwait, Saddam progressively disarmed.
Establishing this truth has required half a dozen top-level inquiries on either side of the Atlantic, spending millions of dollars and pounds, the dispatch of hundreds of United Nations weapons inspectors over the years and -- since Saddam's removal -- the work of 1,200 inspectors who scoured the country under the auspices of the U.S.-directed ISG.
Oh yes, and it took a war, a war in which many thousands of Iraqis, more than 1,000 Americans and more than 100 British and soldiers of other nationalities have died. The injured run into tens of thousands. Iraq is a devastated country that risks sliding into anarchy. And what has it all been for?
After the war officially ended, Bush and his chief ally, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, kept telling us to wait patiently for the ISG to report. In that time, they have changed their story many times over, editing the words, trimming the sense for the possibility that the threat might not have been as great as they had thought.
Perhaps there were no weapons, Bush said, but it hardly mattered because he would have gone to war anyway. Even if there were no actual stockpiles, Blair and his ministers told us, there were definitely "weapons programs." Last week, the programs themselves evaporated. Blair told us (almost) straight that the intelligence was wrong. "I can apologize for the information that turned out to be wrong," he said, without actually doing so, "but I can't sincerely, at least, apologize for removing Saddam."
Bush's case for war is also unraveling. His defense secretary let slip this week that there was no "hard evidence" for a link between Saddam and terrorism in the shape of al-Qaida. The second U.S. viceroy of Iraq, L. Paul Bremer, said the U.S. troop numbers determined had been grossly inadequate for the job they had to do. The number of troops had been an ideological decision.
Now that the Iraq Survey Group has reported, it is clear beyond doubt that Iraq's deadly weapons capacity boiled down to a glint, if that, in Saddam's eye. In one of the more shameless examples of pre-emptive "spinning" we have heard, even from this government so addicted to "spin," the foreign secretary told us "the report highlights the nature of the threat from Saddam in terms of his intentions and capabilities in even starker terms than we have seen before." Try parsing that. Try translating it into plain English.
The ISG report tells us in no uncertain terms that the invasion of Iraq was grounded in little more substantial than figments of a fevered, post-9/11 imagination. The international "consensus" that Saddam constituted a global threat was incorrect. So much for U.N. Resolution 1441 that gave the United States and Britain their spurious excuse for war.
There was a failure of intelligence, on either side of the Atlantic, of historic proportions, the reasons for which need to be identified as a matter of urgency. More gravely, though, there was a historic failure of judgment on the part of a small group of national leaders. Trust us, they told us. They were credulous, they failed to consult broadly enough, they failed to exercise due responsibility -- and they were wrong.
Spanish voters have already given their verdict on the judgment of their former prime minister. Australians have their chance this weekend. Americans should use their vote in less than four weeks' time to express their disgust with a president who rushed their country into so unnecessary and damaging a war. We British will probably have to wait at least until next year.
In the meantime, the very least that Blair should offer is a full apology. An apology for asking us to trust him so unconditionally. An apology for the lives of the British servicemen and the Iraqis who have been so needlessly lost. An apology for his judgment that turned out to be so flawed on a matter so crucial as peace and war. The final verdict will then rest, as it should, with the voters.