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Even though the U. S. Supreme Court has ruled in Hughes vs. Oklahoma, that the wildlife belongs to all Americans equally, nonresidents are still subjected to severe discrimination today
III.Hughes v. Oklahoma And Other Decisions Interpreting the Federal Commerce or Privileges and Immunities Clauses Does Not Affect the Validity of the Doctrine of Public Ownership of Wildlife As a Background Principle of States Property Laws.
A handful of relatively recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions contain broad language seemingly dismissive of the entire doctrine of public ownership of wildlife. For example, in Hughes v. Oklahoma, 441 U.S. 322 (1979), the Court referred to the public ownership doctrine as a 19th century fiction. Id. at 335, quoting Douglas v. Seacoast Products, Inc, 431 U.S. 265 (1977). Similarly, in Toomer v. Witsell, 334 U.S. 385, 402 (1948) the Court described the public ownership doctrine as but a fiction expressive in legal shorthand of the importance to its people that a State have power to preserve and regulate the exploitation of an important resource. While this language could be interpreted to undermine the notion that the public ownership doctrine represents a relevant background principle of state law in the context of a takings claim, that reading would be mistaken.
First, it is apparent that the statements in Hughes and other cases are explained by and logically confined to their particular context, challenges to protectionist state legislation under the commerce or privileges and immunities clauses of the U.S. Constitution. Hughes, for example, involved an appeal by a Texas resident from a conviction under an Oklahoma statute prohibiting the transport outside the state of minnows procured from Oklahoma waters. Douglas involved a commerce clause challenge to a Virginia law forbidding fishing by federally licensed ships owned by nonresidents. Toomer likewise involved a constitutional challenge to a state statute discriminating against out of state commercial fisherman, but one brought under the privileges and immunities clause. In discussing the doctrine of state ownership of wildlife in these cases, the Court was simply explaining its conclusion that state public ownership doctrine cannot, under the federal Supremacy Clause, stand in the way of federal constitutional provisions designed to prevent balkanization of the national economy. There is no basis for thinking these decisions have any particular significance outside of that context.
In Hughes, the Supreme Court overruled its decision in Geer v. Connecticut, 161 U.S. 519 (1896), in which the Court sustained a Connecticut statute forbidding the transportation beyond the State of game birds that had been lawfully killed within the State. The Geer decision rested on the theory that the prohibition in that case did not effect interstate commerce. According to this theory, the State owns all the wildlife in the state and therefore can condition the ownership of game taken within the state by prohibiting its removal from the state. The state’s power to condition private property rights in wildlife implies, in turn, that the sale of wildlife is not commerce at all. As the Court explained in Hughes, Justices Field and Harlan dissented in Geer. They would have affirmed the State’s power to provide for the protection of wild game, but only ‘so far as such protection... does not contravene the power of Congress in the regulation of interstate commerce.’ 441 U.S. at 328, quoting Geer, 161 U.S. at 541 (Field, J., dissenting); id. at 543 (Harlan, J., dissenting).
In Hughes, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively embraced the position of the dissenters in Geer and overruled that decision. However, the Court confined its holding to the commerce clause context, stating that [w]e now conclude that challenges under the Commerce Clause to state regulations of wild animals should be considered according to the same general rule applied to state regulations of natural resources, and therefore expressly overrule Geer. Hughes, 441 U.S. at 335. Emphasizing the narrowness of its decision, the Court stated that the general rule we adopt in this case makes ample allowance for preserving, in ways not inconsistent with the Commerce Clause, the legitimate state concerns for conservation and protection of wild animals. Id. at 335-36 (emphasis added). Hughes and other related decisions leave the public ownership doctrine untouched as the basis for state regulation of wildlife, so long as the regulation does not implicate the anti-economic-protectionist goals of the federal commerce clause and the privileges and immunities clause. See Shepherd v. State of Alaska, 897 P.2d 33, 40, (1995) (state ownership doctrine retains full vitality absent a conflict with paramount federal interests).
Second, an expansive reading of Hughes would contradict the deference to state definitions of property interests which is at the heart of federal takings jurisprudence. Just a few months ago, the U.S. Supreme Court in Phillips v. Washington Legal Foundation, 118 S.Ct. 1925, 1930 (1998) reaffirmed that the Constitution protects rather than creates property interests, and that the very existence of a property interest is determined by reference to ‘existing rules or understandings that stem from an independent source such as state law.’ See also Lucas, 505 U.S. at 1030 (referring to the Court’s traditional resort to ‘existing rules or understandings that stem from an independent source such as state law’ to define the range of interests that qualify for protection as ‘property’ under the Fifth (and Fourteenth) amendments).
Whatever other differences may distinguish the U.S. Supreme Court’s commerce clause and takings jurisprudence, it is clear that the takings clause, rather than trumping State definitions of property rights, depends upon and incorporates State definitions of private property rights. It would literally turn federal takings jurisprudence on its head to conclude that the takings clause could be interpreted to encourage or authorize disregard for state property norms, including the doctrine of public ownership of wildlife.
Finally, numerous state court decisions, decided since Hughes, have rejected the suggestion that the U.S. Supreme Court’s commerce clause decisions have eliminated the public ownership doctrine as a basis for state wildlife management. For example, in State of Montana v. Fertterer, 841 P.2d 467, 440 (Mont. 1992), the Montana Supreme Court affirmed the convictions of several individuals for killing game without a license, rejecting the argument that Hughes effectively preclude[d] reliance on the traditional rule that wild game in Montana is public property. The court said that Hughes in not controlling in this case , because there were no claims of discrimination against non-residents based on the federal interstate commerce, equal protection, or privileges and immunities clauses. 841 P.2d at 470. See also Shepherd v. State of Alaska, supra (state ownership doctrine applies absent conflict with paramount federal interests).6
The states denying hunting tags on Federal Lands will become an issue.
You and your hunting partner have a brainstorm: You'd like to go hunting for trophy mule deer in Arizona next season.
Wow, what a terrific idea. Wouldn't that be fun?
Hunting in the Grand Canyon for those famous Kaibob trophy mule deer — could there be anything better?
Problem is, you live in Oregon. So, you apply for tags, and you prepare yourself to pay the extra nonresident license fees that just about every state charges for nonresident hunters (even though you'll likely be hunting on federal public land rather than state public land).
The next problem is, you don't draw tags, at least not for several years, because Arizona limits nonresident tags to 10 percent of the total tag allotment.
Bummer.
On the other hand, if you're a deer hunter in Arizona, your chances to get tags to hunt in your home state just went up, because the two guys in Oregon are ruled by the nonresident regulations.
Even better for you, those two guys in Oregon (who won't join any local conservation clubs or volunteer for local habitat improvement projects to improve the deer hunting because they don't live there) won't be thinning out your deer herd, so you've got a better chance at filling your tag.
This kind of scenario has been playing out between resident and nonresident hunters for years.
Most states tend to back their own citizens' hunting rights, looking with some level of disfavor (some would call it "discrimination") on out-of-state hunters.
States have made the argument that nonresidents don't help to pay for anything, like roads, and therefore it's acceptable to charge exponentially higher rates to these nonresidents to make up for that shortfall.
The states also make the argument that they have the right to regulate both resident and nonresident hunters even when it comes to federal lands within the state (which, by law, actually belong to the feds and not the states).
It's estimated that more than 2 million hunters go out of their home state to hunt every year.
Of these 2 million hunters, 1.4 million are big game hunters. The raging debate, especially throughout the Western states, deals with what some hunter groups are calling "discriminatory" laws and regulations aimed at these nonresident big game hunters.
These "discriminatory" regulations are in the form of shortened seasons, license and registration surcharges, and draw tags limited to a certain percentage in favor of resident hunters.
The end result has been a hunter versus hunter debate between residents (who view out-of-staters as competitors with limited conservation concerns for where they're hunting) and nonresidents (who feel they have an inalienable right to hunt across borders without penalty or excessive regulation).
The situation is further complicated by the argument that federal lands like national refuges, Forest Service lands and BLM lands should be available to all citizens in an equal manner (and at an equal price) regardless of state citizenry.
According to the hunters' rights group Conservation Force (CF), these federal lands total more than 533 million acres.
The organization argues that under present laws nonresidents can't hunt on these lands, or are being forced to pay 10 times more than residents to hunt on them.
But winds of change and reform are blowing through this situation in some remarkable ways, and those changes may or may not be good for hunters.
Fed up with what it considered to be discriminatory practices against nonresident hunters, New Mexico-based USO Outfitters filed a lawsuit against the state of Arizona last year, seeking relief from that state's practice of limiting out-of-state tags to 10 percent of the total tag allotment.
Initially, USO lost. But the outfitter appealed, and the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals found in favor of USO.
In essence, the court cited the Dormant Commerce Clause of the Interstate Commerce Act; they found that the burden for justifying Arizona's discrimination against out-of-state hunters was with Arizona (and not the hunters) and when the state couldn't provide that justification, all bets were off.
The court also challenged Arizona to show there was no less obtrusive an alternative, another thing Arizona could not do.
Therefore, Arizona had to provide just as many tags to nonresidents as to residents.
Arizona appealed to the US Supreme Court, but the High Court refused to hear the case, thereby supporting the 9th Court's decision.
The ramifications of the 9th Court's rulings are far-reaching.
Other states within the district, like Utah, will have to follow the same rules, and that could mean an end to nonresident surcharges and tag restrictions, at least as far as they have been established in the past
While a lot of nonresident hunters are going to be happy with the result of that lawsuit, resident hunters aren't quite so pleased.
One of these is Las Vegas, Nev., resident Douglas Gault, with the Fraternity of Desert Bighorn Sheep. "This is quite a hot button," he said.
"USO (who brought the original lawsuit) runs a guide service as well as a professional licensing service. They have a limited power of attorney to represent their hunters, as nonresident hunters."
"As a result of the decision by the 9th Court of Appeals, USO got 250 Arizona tags. They charge $10,000 per hunt. That's a lot of money they made from this. USO filed the lawsuit for a bigger game allocation for their outfitting business."
Gault said that USO then filed suits in "almost all the other Western states, claiming they had a right to more than 10 percent of the nonresident game tags. A lot of the states have thus caved in, saying 'what's the use of fighting it, we'll just have to give nonresidents more game tags.' But this isn't about hunting. It's about business."
"This has nothing to do with the interests of the common man, and that's what's really discouraging. See, the thing is, most of the conservation volunteers in my state are hunters. And if they can't draw a tag to hunt in their own home state, they aren't going to volunteer anymore."
"We have less than 2 percent of out-of-state people working on conservation projects here, but they want more than 10 percent of our big game allocation. That doesn't seem right. And they don't contribute to the tax base of the local or state economy."
Gault's home state of Nevada still has a 10 percent nonresident game tag allocation rule in place, and Gault said the state is debating about what it will do in the future.
While that debate goes on, Gault has sponsored state legislation (HB 1006) that would, according to Gault, "make professional licensing services and tagging agencies comply with a true limited power of attorney, that expires after the tag is drawn, and require positive identification of the tag applicant."
That may sound like closing the barn door after the cows are already out.
But USO has lost some of its supporters because of the controversy, including companies who once provided endorsements to the outfitter, like Realtree Outdoors, Primos, Crooked Horn Outfitters and Barnes Bullets.
Good news for nonresidents
In the meantime, while states are trying to deal with the fallout of the 9th Court's decision, the U.S. Congress has gotten involved, and it may not be good news for nonresident hunters, said John Jackson, chairman of the Conservation Force. CF is a hunters' rights group that specializes in the rights of traveling big game hunters, both domestically and internationally.
"We've been involved in this thing from the beginning," said Jackson.
"Our niche is hunters who travel, and we have a special division that deals with nonresident hunting rights, the Nonresident Rights Defense Fund (NRRDF). But normally we're fighting the anti-hunters."
"This, this is an unusual fight because it's a fight between hunters. It's very sensitive. And normally we wouldn't want to have anything to do with this."
"But someone has to deal with this issue."
Jackson and his group make the argument that if states allow more nonresident hunters, they'll increase their licensing revenues at a time when most states "are crying for revenue," Jackson said.
"Plus, the nonresident barriers have been obstructive of good conservation practices, since license fees fund those practices. But we also think the discrimination has devalued land, the wealth of the nation, by way of artificial barriers."
While those who oppose more rights for nonresidents argue that out-of-staters don't contribute much to in-state conservation, Jackson and his group argue just the opposite.
"Are residents paying for tags to put sheep up on the mountains? No. It's the nonresidents who pay, that's who. People who pay the bills are the nonresidents. There are some Western states where 10 percent of the hunters pay 80 percent of the bills."
Jackson agrees that for the time being states are going to have to deal with the ramifications of the 9th Court's ruling, and may for the short term open up more nonresident hunting opportunities.
But at the same time, Jackson warns of a bill that's being drafted in Congress, backed by Senator Harry Reid (D-Nevada) that Jackson said "will give the states' rights back to them, the right to discriminate against nonresident hunters without limit and without any qualification, and not just hunting, but fishing too. And not just sport fishing, but commercial fishing."
Jackson said the fallout from this bill could be severe.
"You have 2 million hunters out of state every season, but you have 10 to 12 million fishermen who fish out of state. Under this bill, the states could charge any price, whatsoever."
"The bill is trying to give the states unlimited authority. It's really an over-reaction on the part of the Arizonans."
This bill could potentially undue a lot of what the 9th Court's decision did.
"States like Arizona are hoping this legislation will work," said Jackson.
"I've heard some crazy proposals, like they'd raise nonresident license fees to prohibitive levels, like 20 times more than resident fees. But all that would be illegal."
The CF chairman points out that federal land is at issue too.
"The other thing is, half or more of the land in the Western states is owned by the federal government. This bill would allow states to charge nonresidents any price they wanted, maybe 100 times more, or completely eliminate their right to hunt on federal land."
"Nonresident licensing is an open form of discrimination, ignoring the U.S. Constitution. Our forefathers adopted that commerce clause to prevent this bickering between states. The resources belong to everyone."
Some states really come down hard on nonresidents, Jackson said. For years, Kansas prohibited nonresident deer hunters entirely.
And Idaho prohibited nonresidents from coming to the state to hunt moose until just recently.
"Idaho didn't do that until we threatened litigation," Jackson said.
"There hasn't been any great opening of the doors in the Western states for nonresidents. It's just a little crack in the door."
"Really, the object is to free up those permits, be fairer and generate more revenue for the states. It's unfair and un-American to horde resources because of where you hang your hat."
Ducks, too
While the majority of the disputes involve big game hunting issues, especially on the touchy subject of limiting the number of big game tags, there have been plenty of cross-border jabs about waterfowl hunting, too.
Minnesota and North Dakota, for example, have been bickering over North Dakota's exclusion of nonresident hunters during the first week of North Dakota's waterfowl hunting season.
Some 15,000 Minnesota duck hunters who like to hunt in North Dakota aren't allowed in during that first week.
In retaliation, Minnesota crafted legislation last spring aimed at imposing fishing license and boat registration surcharges on North Dakota anglers who own cabins in Minnesota.
That legislation also included outright exclusion of those nonresident anglers during the first two weeks of Minnesota's fishing season.